Prager Tagblatt
- Deeds, Not Speeches, Decide
- The Opposition within Communism.
- Greek Royalists Come to the Fore.
The Prager Tagblatt of September 29, 1926 reported American newspaper reactions to the renewed Franco-German argument over war guilt, presenting different views on responsibility, reparations and practical cooperation. Its Moscow report examined economic disagreements and personal rivalries within the Communist opposition ahead of a party conference. From Athens came an account of party leaders debating government continuity until elections, military influence and the constitutional question as Kondylis offered his government’s resignation.
Translation
Deeds, Not Speeches, Decide
The American press on Poincaré’s speech.
New York, September 28. (United Press.) Now that Poincaré has addressed the question of war guilt for a second time, the American press is also taking a position on this renewed discussion. The left-wing Democratic World regrets that Stresemann raised the question “at a moment when Europe was just beginning to turn from the old wartime mentality toward the new idea of peace.” The Republican Herald Tribune, which frequently reflects the government’s views, argues in its editorial on “War Guilt and Reparations” that Germany pays reparations not because it bears guilt for the war, but because it lost the war. The Democratic Times attaches no importance to the discussion. “What Stresemann and Poincaré say today matters little. What counts is what Germany and France do when they meet.” from Germersheim.
The Opposition within Communism.
Moscow, September 28. A discussion of the economic policy of the Central Committee and the Soviet government is taking place in the great hall of the Communist Academy. Most of the opposition’s economic leaders, including Pyatakov and Sokolnikov, have taken part. On the first evening, the debates continued late into the night. Both sides seem intent on clarifying their positions before the party conference. As far as can be judged today from the publications of the party organs, however, there are two fundamentally different opposition currents, cooperating only partly on tactics. Whereas fundamental differences of opinion separate the opposition currents grouped under the collective name “Trotskyism” from the ruling majority, this does not appear to be the case with Zinoviev’s opposition. Here the personal disagreement between Zinoviev and Stalin is more to the fore. The Trotskyists seek a change of course; the Zinovievists seek a change of personnel in the party leadership. Whether the differences will be fought out at the forthcoming party conference remains uncertain. Unlike the party congress, the party conference is attended by delegates sent by the party bureaucracy. Consequently, a change in the party leadership or a new balance of forces is also unlikely. Nevertheless, the party conference is awaited with the keenest anticipation. Greek royalists come to the fore.
Greek Royalists Come to the Fore.
Party leaders confer with Kountouriotis.—Kondylis’s resignation.
Athens, September 28. A consultation lasting five and a half hours took place today with President Admiral Kountouriotis. Kafandaris, Papanastasiou, Michalakopoulos, Gonatas and Sofoulis favored the government remaining in office until the new elections had been held, because the prime minister’s departure would reduce the cabinet to a mere caretaker government. Metaxas, Tsaldaris—the leader of the Gounarists—and Demertzis fiercely attacked the government as the last remnant of militarism, with Tsaldaris particularly vehement. Papanastasiou had pointed out that a struggle for governmental power was taking place everywhere, including Germany, Hungary and other states. Demertzis and Metaxas declared themselves willing not to raise the question of the form of government at the new elections. But the royalist [?] refused to make a similar declaration.
Kondylis spoke last, explaining that, although he had taken power by overthrowing Pangalos’s tyranny, he was hereby tendering his government’s resignation to ease the political situation, and the president must now make the final decision on the situation. At the close of the meeting, Kondylis declared that he would use all his prestige with the army and navy to ensure that public order was not disturbed in any way, whatever the president decided. The general expectation is that Kountouriotis will probably ask Kondylis to remain prime minister.
The Athens garrison wishes...
Athens, September 28. The commander of the local garrison, Colonel Tsangaridis,
Context
War guilt and the practical terms of reconciliation
The American reactions reported here distinguish three issues: responsibility for war, the obligation to pay reparations, and future cooperation. The World feared damage to the peace effort; the Herald Tribune grounded payment in defeat; the Times emphasized conduct at negotiations. Poincaré’s position helps explain the tension: a contemporary report described him as accepting rapprochement subject to treaty rights and evidence of German disarmament, while retaining his accusation against the imperial German government. Reconciliation therefore did not require agreement about the past in his formulation. The American responses presented here show why reopening that dispute could nevertheless complicate practical dealings: a continued reparations obligation and the prospect of cooperation did not depend on resolving the argument over blame. [Contemporary report of Poincaré’s speech](https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/ESD19260929.2.23).
Economic alternatives behind the leadership struggle
The article interprets cooperation between Trotsky’s and Zinoviev’s followers as partly tactical, contrasting policy change with leadership replacement. Trotsky’s subsequent conference speech on November 1, 1926 makes the economic stakes concrete: he argued that industrialization was too slow and advocated shifting taxation toward wealthier peasants. In his account, faster industrialization, financed in part by heavier taxation of wealthy peasants, would increase the supply of manufactured goods and lower retail prices for workers and much of the peasantry. This explains why the pace of industry and the distribution of the tax burden belonged to the same policy dispute. The September report’s reference to a change of course thus concerned choices affecting both town and countryside. Its expectation that the party bureaucracy would dominate the conference also explains its skepticism that opposition demands would produce a new balance of power. [Trotsky’s conference speech](https://sozialistischeklassiker2punkt0.de/sites.google.com/site/sozialistischeklassiker2punkt0/leon-trotsky/1926/leon-trotsky-speech-to-the-fifteenth-conference.html).
Who would control the transition to elections?
Kondylis’s resignation offer concerned both electoral authority and the military’s political role. Earlier that month, TIME reported that Kondylis had recalled Kountouriotis to the provisional presidency, placing their relationship within the post-Pangalos transition. In this article, some leaders wanted continuity until elections, while opponents described the cabinet as a survival of militarism. Kondylis’s promise to preserve order through his influence over the armed forces illustrates that tension. The refusal of a royalist participant to shelve the constitutional question also meant that agreement over election management did not necessarily settle the dispute over the form of government. [TIME, September 20, 1926](https://time.com/archive/6818168/greece-corps-de-telegraph/).
Original
Nicht Reden, sondern Taten entscheiden
Nicht Reden, sondern Taten entscheiden Die amerikanische Presse zu Poincarés Rede. New York, 28. Sept. (United Preß.) Nachdem Poincaré zum zweitenmal zu der Kriegsschuldfrage Stellung genommen hat, nimmt nun auch die amerikanische Presse zu dieser erneuten Diskussion Stellung. Die linksdemokratische " World " bedauert, daß Stresemann diese Frage angeschnitten habe " in. einem Augenblick, da sich Europa gerade von der alten Kriegsmentalität dem neuen Friedensgedanken zuzuwenden begann. " Die republikanische " Herald Tribune ", die häufig die Ansichten der Regierung wiedergibt, führt in ihrem Leitartikel über " Kriegsschuld und Reparationen " aus, Deutschland zahle die Reparationen nicht wegen einer Schuld am Kriege, sondern, weil es den Krieg verloren habe. Die demokratische " Times " messen der Diskussion keine Bedeutung bei. " Was Stresemann und Poincaré heute sagen, hat wenig Bedeutung. Worauf es ankommt ist, was Deutschland und Frankreich tun, wenn sie zusammentreten. " von Germersheim.
Die Opposition im Kommunismus.
Moskau, 28. September. Im großen Saal der kommunistischen Akademie findet eine Diskussion über die Wirtschaftspolitik des Zentralkomitees und der Sowjetregierung statt. Die Mehrzahl der oppositionellen Wirtschaftsführer, wie Pjatakow und Sokolnikow nahmen an ihr teil. Am ersten Diskussionsabend zogen sich die Debatten bis in die späte Nacht hinein. Vor der Parteikonferenz scheinen beide Teile ihre Position klarstellen zu wollen. Soweit aber heute aus den Veröffentlichungen der Parteiorgane ersichtlich ist, handelt es sich um zwei grundverschiedene oppositionelle Strömungen, die nur teilweise taktisch zusammengehen. Während die unter dem Sammelnamen " Trotzkismus " zusammengefaßten oppositionellen Strömungen grundlegende Meinungsverschiedenheiten von der regierenden Mehrheit trennen, scheint dies bei der Opposition Sinowjews nicht der Fall zu sein. Hier steht im Vordergrund mehr die persönliche Differenz Sinowjew-Stalin. Die Trotzkisten erstreben einen Kurswechsel, die Sinowjewisten einen Personalwechsel in der Leitung der Partei. Ob es bei der bevorstehenden Parteikonferenz zu einer Austragung der Gegensätze kommen wird, bleibt ungewiß. Die Parteikonferenz ist im Gegensatz zum Parteikongreß von der Parteibureaukratie beschickt. Folglich ist auch ein Wechsel in der Leitung der Partei sowie die Bildung eines neuen Kräfteverhältnisses unwahrscheinlich. Trotzdem wird der Parteikonferenz mit der größten Spannung entgegengesehen. Die griechischen Royalisten treten hervor.
Die griechischen Royalisten treten hervor.
Die griechischen Royalisten treten hervor. Beratung der Parteiführer bei Konduriotis. - Demission Kondylis '. Athen, 28. Sept. Heute fand beim Präsidenten Admiral Konduriotis eine Beratung statt, die fünfeinhalb Stunden dauerte. Kafandaris, Papanastasiu, Mihalakopulos, Ghonatas und Sofoulis waren dafür, daß die Regierung bis zur Durchführung der Neuwahlen im Amte bleibe, weil im Falle des Ausscheidens des Ministerpräsidenten das Kabinett zu einer bloßen Geschäftsregierung herabsänke. Metaxas, besonders aber Tsaldaris, der Führer der Gunaristen, und Demerdjis griffen die Regierung als letzten Rest des Militarismus heftig an. Papanastasiu hatte darauf hingewiesen, daß überall ein Kampf um die Regierungsgewalt herrsche, so in Deutschland, Ungarn und anderen Staaten. Demerdjis und Metaxas erklärten sich bereit, bei den Neuwahlen die Frage der Regierungsform nicht aufzuwerfen. Aber der royalistische [?] verweigerte eine ähnliche Erklärung. Kondylis ergriff als letzter das Wort und führte aus, daß er zwar die Macht durch den Sturz der Tyrannei Pangalos ' ergriffen habe, aber um die politische Lage zu erleichtern, gebe er hiemit für seine Regierung die Demission und der Präsident hätte nun endgültig über die Lage zu entscheiden. Am Schlusse der Sitzung erklärte Kondylis, daß er sein ganzes Ansehen bei Heer und Marine einsetzen werde, damit die öffentliche Ordnung in keiner Weise gestört werde, wie immer die Entschließung des Präsidenten ausfallen werde. Nach allgemeiner Meinung dürfte Konduriotis Kondylis ersuchen, die Ministerpräsidentschaft weiter zu behalten. Die Garnison von Athen wünscht... Athen, 28. September. Der Kommandant der hiesigen Garnison, Oberst Tsangaridis,