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L’Écho annamite

L’Écho annamite of 28 September 1926 brought together political restraint, financial retrenchment and diplomatic optimism. Truong-Van-Ben and Nguyen Phan-Long declined to present a programme, invoking the futility of promises whose fulfilment lay beyond the makers’ goodwill or wishes. A French report described divided departmental responses to administrative cuts alongside shared praise for Briand’s Geneva work. Stresemann argued that rapprochement with France could secure European peace and gain public backing despite objections from technical experts, military men and financiers.

This edition translates the three supplied excerpts from the front page, not the complete articles or newspaper. The supplied transcription has low confidence for the first two passages and medium confidence for the third. Small type, blur and split lines prevent a dependable continuous transcription. The supplied [?] markers are retained.

Translation

STATEMENT OF PRINCIPLES

[?] We present no programme to you; experience has shown us the futility of promises whose fulfilment depends neither on the goodwill nor on the fervent wishes of those who make them. [?]

TRUONG-VAN-BEN,
NGUYEN PHAN-LONG.

France’s Financial Problem

[?] The departmental councils have concerned themselves with the Government’s administrative economies; some have approved them, while others have called for the restoration of the abolished administrative bodies or different adjustments to the reform: all have praised Mr Briand’s work at Geneva. [?]

Franco-German Rapprochement

[?] Le Matin’s correspondent in Berlin interviewed Mr Stresemann, who stated that he had anticipated the objections of technical experts, military men and financiers to Franco-German rapprochement; but one thing was settled: he and Mr Briand had agreed on the possibilities for a rapprochement that would secure an unshakeable peace for Europe and would be all the more effective if achieved with the cooperation of Belgium, Britain and Italy. He affirmed that the idea of rapprochement had gained considerable ground in Germany and that the French Cabinet was strong enough to obtain the same support from French public opinion. [?]

Context

Budgetary powers under colonial executive authority

Cochinchina’s Colonial Council had financial powers within a government directed by colonial officials. The official statistical yearbook for 1913–1922 describes an elected council that voted the local budget, while administrative chiefs exercised authority over local technical services. A later historical study, drawing on accounts published in 1923 and 1973, describes powers over taxation, budgets and public works that remained subject to the governor-general’s approval. This division between a council’s financial influence and executive authority helps explain the argument in the statement of principles: representatives could participate in decisions without controlling every condition needed to fulfil a promise. The signatories’ appeal to experience can thus be read against a system in which an elected body’s powers did not guarantee that its members could deliver their stated intentions.

Financial recovery and administrative closures

The administrative economies reported here belonged to the financial emergency surrounding the franc’s fall. The French National Assembly’s historical account describes Poincaré’s formation of a national-union government in July 1926 to save the currency and Parliament’s grant of exceptional powers for financial recovery. Administrative savings included the abolition of 106 subprefectures. These closures illustrate the institutional changes behind the drive for economies and provide context for councils demanding that abolished administrative bodies be restored. The excerpt does not name the bodies at issue, but it shows that approval of retrenchment was contested at departmental level. Its final reference to unanimous praise for Briand’s Geneva work places that disagreement beside agreement on a separate field of government activity: diplomacy.

National loyalty and fears of diplomatic exclusion

Contemporary press reactions explain the stakes of Stresemann’s confidence in public support. On 24 September 1926, Vorwärts accused French and German nationalists of turning praise from the other country into accusations that their own statesmen were traitors. In its account, attacks on Briand and Stresemann reinforced one another across the border and obstructed Franco-German understanding. The Stratford Evening Post of 20 September, meanwhile, reported the French Gaulois’s fear that rapprochement was precarious and would face a Mediterranean alignment that might exclude France. These newspaper judgments reveal two distinct obstacles to the optimism expressed in the interview: accusations of disloyalty at home and anxiety about a country’s position among other powers. Stresemann’s emphasis on public backing and cooperation with Belgium, Britain and Italy addressed precisely those domestic and international dimensions.

Original

PROFESSION DE FOI

[?] Nous ne vous soumettons aucun programme; l'expérience nous a démontré l'inanité des promesses dont la réalisation ne dépend ni de la bonne volonté ni de la ferveur des vœux de ceux qui les font. [?]

Le problème financier français

[?] Les Conseils Généraux se sont préoccupés des économies administratives du Gouvernement; certains les ont approuvées, d'autres ont demandé le rétablissement des administrations supprimées ou des aménagements différents de la réforme: tous ont loué l'œuvre de M. Briand à Genève. [?]

Le rapprochement franco-allemand

[?] Le correspondant du Matin, à Berlin, a interviewé M. Stresemann, qui a déclaré qu'il avait prévu les objections des techniciens, des militaires et des financiers au rapprochement Franco-Allemand; mais qu'il y avait un fait acquis, c'est que lui-même et M. Briand se sont mis d'accord sur les possibilités d'un rapprochement qui assurera une paix inébranlable à l'Europe et sera d'autant plus efficace qu'elle sera accomplie avec le concours de la Belgique, de l'Angleterre et de l'Italie. Il a affirmé que l'idée de rapprochement a gagné beaucoup de terrain en Allemagne et que le Cabinet Français est assez fort pour obtenir le même appui de l'opinion française. [?]

Source: Source: Bibliothèque nationale de France / Gallica

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