Prager Tagblatt
- Seeckt Toppled.
- Sentiment.
- The Hohenzollern Settlement.
The Prague German-language daily led its 7 October 1926 front page with the fall of Colonel General Hans von Seeckt, chief of the German Army Command. According to its Berlin report, Seeckt had on his own authority let the former Crown Prince's eldest son join Reichswehr exercises in Württemberg without telling Defence Minister Geßler, and he resigned after a heated clash with the minister. An editorial titled 'Sentiment' linked the affair to the resignation of Prussia's Social Democratic interior minister Severing and to the new Hohenzollern property deal, mocking a bourgeoisie grateful to the old dynasties and a largely monarchist officer corps. A second Berlin report set out the deal's terms: 250,000 Morgen of land and 15 million marks in cash for the former royal house, subject to approval by the Prussian Landtag.
Translation
Seeckt Toppled.
Prager Tagblatt, Thursday, 7 October 1926.
Seeckt Toppled.
He had on his own authority approved the former Crown Prince's son's participation in Reichswehr exercises.
Berlin, 6 October. Colonel General von Seeckt, the Chief of the German Army Command, has submitted his request for dismissal to the Reich President. The occasion for this extraordinarily surprising event is the participation of the former Crown Prince's eldest son, Prince Friedrich Wilhelm, in the military exercises of the Reichswehr in Württemberg. Reports of the former Crown Prince's son's presence at and participation in Reichswehr exercises had appeared in the pro-republican press and had later been denied. The denial, however, had not been believed, and Seeckt's resignation confirmed that the reports were accurate.
As it turns out, Reichswehr Minister Dr. Geßler had been kept in ignorance of the matter. Colonel General von Seeckt had acted on his own responsibility. This also explains the denial issued by the Reichswehr Ministry. Dr. Geßler learned only later that the Chief of the Army Command had approved the Crown Prince's son's service.
There was a very heated confrontation between Dr. Geßler and von Seeckt. The Colonel General admitted to the minister that he had known of Prince Friedrich Wilhelm's participation in the exercises, and the minister thereupon declared that he was not in a position to cover for von Seeckt before Parliament and the public. It had amounted to shutting out the responsible minister. Colonel General von Seeckt drew the consequences and submitted his request for dismissal. Dr. Geßler called on the Reich President and reported to him. All this took place in the course of this morning and midday. In the evening hours it became known that Hindenburg would presum- … the request for resignation …
Sentiment.
General von Seeckt
Prague, 6 October.
The Prussian Minister of the Interior, the Social Democrat Severing, has resigned. The fierce and not always clean attacks of the radical Right have worn him down. And yet Severing was a so-called 'law-and-order' socialist, one of those who were for setting aside the socialist programme for the sake of helping to consolidate the Republic, one who worked against the Spartacists and Communists, who could say of his own domain the proud words 'There are no more putsches' — in a word, one to whom the bourgeoisie ought to be grateful for what he, like Ebert, did to preserve the middle classes' place in the Republic in Germany's most critical hour. But gratitude, as everyone knows, does not exist in politics. Or does it? In Germany at least, large parts of the bourgeoisie feel gratitude toward those ruling houses that plunged it into war, into misfortune.
Today the agreement was signed that was concluded between the House of Hohenzollern and the Prussian state and that concerns the property settlement of Kaiser Wilhelm with the Land of Prussia. One has to say that the deserter does not come off badly and receives a few paltry millions from his grateful subjects. The agreement still requires the approval of the Landtag, but it is already certain today that this approval will not be withheld. The good Social Democrats will abstain.
And the Kaiser's grandson, the Crown Prince's son, has been in the Reichswehr a little, by the back door. Among the Hohenzollerns the [?] trade still seems to count as the only occupation befitting their rank. What are they to do in this wretched Republic which — while France was clever enough to drive out its [?] thoroughly — has allowed the Crown Prince and his family to live in Germany, yet offers them no proper field of activity in its Reichswehr? The officer corps of the Reichswehr is largely monarchist, and therein lies the key to understanding why the prince did not disdain to take part incognito in Reichswehr exercises. The whole affair, incidentally, seems to have been only an episode in the princely life, for it naturally did not occur to the young man to bind himself for years ahead, as the admission conditions for Reichswehr officers and officer candidates require. By contrast, it is said that the Hereditary Prince Johann Leopold of Saxe-Coburg-Gotha has signed these conditions. He will undoubtedly do everything to defend the German Republic.
A strange role in all Reichswehr matters is played by General von Seeckt, the Chief of the Army Command. Examples are known of his turning his back on all actions against the Republic. He showed Kapp and Kahr, Ludendorff and Claß the fist of the republican. On the other hand it is certain that the establishment of the Black Reichswehr, which is supposed to belong to the past, and the packing of the Reichswehr officer corps with monarchist officers took place with his tacit toleration. And now it has become known that his connivance toward the figures of the past went as far as complicity in the Crown Prince's son's manoeuvre outing. This became too much even for Reichswehr Minister Geßler, who is certainly no slayer of monarchists, and he forced Seeckt to resign. Tomorrow the decision on this request for resignation will be made. Hindenburg may perhaps find it hard to approve the request, for this mysterious General Seeckt, who was able to unite such different tendencies and talents in himself, will for all that not easily be done without.
On the whole, Germany still presents today the picture of a nation moved more by sentiment than by sober, matter-of-fact politics. This is also shown by the persistence with which statesmen and people work again and again toward overturning the war-guilt charge of the Versailles Treaty. One sometimes has the impression that correcting this dummy piece of the Versailles Treaty matters more to the Germans than many a material concession, and that they would even be ready to make great sacrifices for it.
The Hohenzollern Settlement.
… von Seeckt's leniency toward the … obliged.
The Hohenzollern Settlement.
The new compromise with the Prussian state. – The Hohenzollerns receive 15 million marks in cash and 250,000 Morgen of land.
Berlin, 6 October. The so-called settlement agreement between the Prussian government and the House of Hohenzollern is being signed, subject to the consent of the Landtag. Under the compromise, 250,000 Morgen of land go to the main line. The Oels estate is included in this. Originally 330,000 Morgen had been proposed. The two collateral lines, the Karl line and the Albrecht line, are to keep Kamenz in Silesia and Flatow-Krojanka. The cash compensation is to amount not to 30 but to 15 million. In addition, a number of palaces, such as Babelsberg and Bellevue in the Tiergarten, are to pass to the state. Minister-President Braun recommended speedy passage in the Social Democratic parliamentary group. The Democrats have decided in favour of the compromise. On the position of the Social Democrats, the Tel. Union reports that it is to be expected that no difficulties will be made.
Context
How a prince's manoeuvre visit cost Seeckt his post
The young man the Prager Tagblatt calls 'Prince Friedrich Wilhelm' was Prince Wilhelm of Prussia, born on 4 July 1906 as the eldest child of the former Crown Prince Wilhelm; his given names began Wilhelm Friedrich, and he is usually known simply as Prince Wilhelm. He attended army manoeuvres in the uniform of the old Imperial First Foot Guards without first seeking government approval, and the public scandal that followed forced Seeckt out. A modern chronology based on Eberhard Kolb dates Seeckt's removal to 6 October and says it came at the insistence of both Defence Minister Geßler and Reich President Hindenburg, because neither had approved the prince's participation. The same chronology adds that relations between the Reich leadership and Seeckt had already soured over his open opposition to the government's Locarno policy, so the prince's appearance supplied the occasion rather than the whole cause. The paper's report centres on Geßler having been kept in the dark, and its editorial guessed that Hindenburg might find it hard to accept the resignation; the later account places Hindenburg among those who pressed Seeckt to go.
Seeckt's record toward the Republic's enemies
The editorial makes two claims about Seeckt: that he showed Kapp, Kahr, Ludendorff and Claß 'the fist of the republican', and that the Black Reichswehr and a monarchist officer corps grew under his tacit toleration. A 1994 essay in MHQ describes Seeckt as, like most of his military contemporaries, a monarchist at heart. The same essay says he refused to test the army's loyalty by openly using it against the right-wing Kapp Putsch of 1920, while he was far more vigorous in suppressing left-wing uprisings, which led to the charge that the army's neutrality was suspiciously one-sided. Measured against that assessment, the editorial's first claim flatters Seeckt, while its charge of indulgence toward monarchist officers matches the later verdict more closely. The essay also notes that the first two defence ministers, the Social Democrat Gustav Noske and the Democrat Otto Gessler, regularly deferred to Seeckt, which helps explain why the editorial calls Geßler 'certainly no slayer of monarchists' and treats his break with Seeckt as remarkable.
The long road to the Hohenzollern settlement
Prussia had been negotiating with the House of Hohenzollern over the former royal property for years. A first attempt at agreement failed in 1920 against the resistance of the Social Democrats in the Prussian parliament, and on 12 October 1925 the Prussian finance ministry submitted a new draft that drew heavy public criticism because it would have returned about three-quarters of the disputed real estate to the dynasty. In response the Communists launched a petition for expropriation without compensation, which the Social Democrats joined with some reluctance; in March 1926, 12.5 million of 39.4 million eligible voters signed it. The successful petition led to a referendum that failed, and expropriation without compensation gave way to individual agreements between each state and its former ruling family. The October 1926 deal reported here was Prussia's agreement of that kind. The paper presents it as a compromise that cut the land from an originally proposed 330,000 to 250,000 Morgen and the cash from 30 to 15 million marks; those figures are the paper's own report. Its editorial expected the Social Democrats to abstain, and its news item had Minister-President Braun urging quick passage, showing a party that had backed the referendum now helping the compromise through.
Seeckt's successor and the shift in power
The editorial expected Hindenburg to decide the next day and suggested he might find Seeckt hard to replace, yet a successor was in place within three days: on 9 October 1926 Wilhelm Heye was named Chief of the Army Command. Under Heye the Army Command lost much of the political influence it had held under Seeckt, while the authority of the Reichswehr Ministry grew. A 1994 MHQ essay counts the army's lack of reaction to Seeckt's ouster as part of his legacy. Read against these later accounts, the Prager Tagblatt's report that Geßler refused to cover for a general who had shut out 'the responsible minister' records the moment at which the balance between the army leadership and the civilian ministry began to tilt toward the ministry.
Original
Seeckt gestürzt.
Prager Tagblatt Donnerstag, 7. Oktober 1926. Seeckt gestürzt. Er hatte eigenmächtig die Teilnahme des Exkronprinzensohnes an Reichswehrübungen bewilligt. Berlin, 6. Oktober. Generaloberst von Seeckt, der Chef der deutschen Heeresleitung, hat dem Reichspräsidenten sein Entlassungsgesuch eingereicht. Den Anlaß zu diesem außerordentlich überraschenden Ereignis ist die Teilnahme des ältesten Exkronprinzensohnes, des Prinzen Friedrich Wilhelm, an den militärischen Uebungen der Reichswehr in Württemberg. In der republiktreuen Presse erschienen Meldungen über die Anwesenheit und Beteiligung des Exkronprinzensohnes bei Reichswehrübungen und waren später dementiert worden. Das Dementi hatte aber keinen Glauben gefunden und der Rücktritt von Seeckt bestätigt, daß die Meldungen auf Richtigkeit beruhten. Wie sich herausstellt, war Reichswehrminister Dr. Geßler über den Vorgang in Unkenntnis gelassen worden. Generaloberst von Seeckt hatte auf eigene Verantwortung gehandelt. So erklärt sich auch das vom Reichswehrministerium herausgegebene Dementi. Dr. Geßler hat erst später erfahren, daß der Chef der Heeresleitung die Dienstleistung des Kronprinzensohnes genehmigt hat. Zwischen Dr. Geßler und von Seeckt hat es eine sehr erregte Auseinandersetzung gegeben. Der Generaloberst gab dem Minister zu, von der Teilnehme des Prinzen Friedrich Wilhelm an den Uebungen gewußt zu haben und der Minister erklärte daraufhin, er sei nicht in der Lage, von Seeckt vor dem Parlamente und vor der Oeffentlichkeit zu decken. Es handelte sich um eine Ausschaltung des verantwortlichen Ministers. Generaloberst von Seeckt hat die Konsequenzen gezogen und das Entlassungsgesuch eingereicht. Dr. Geßler suchte den Reichspräsidenten auf und hielt Vortrag. Dies hatte sich im Laufe des heutigen Vormittag und Mittags abgespielt. In den Abendstunden wurde bekannt, daß Hindenburg das Rücktrittsgesuch voraus -
Sentiment.
General von Seeckt Sentiment. Prag, 6. Oktober. preußische Innenminister, der Sozialt Severing ist zurückgetreten. Die und nicht immer sauberen Angriffe chtsradikalen haben ihn zermürbt. Dabei Severing ein sogenannter Ordnungs -, einer von denen, die für die Zurückdes sozialistischen Programms zum der Mitarbeit an der Festigung der k waren, einer, der mitgearbeitet hat die Spartakisten und Kommunisten, der en Bereich das stolze Wort sprechen " Es gibt keine Putsche mehr ", - mit Wort, einer, dem die Bourgeoisie danksollte für das, was er gleich Ebert ge -, um in der kritischesten Stunde Deutschdem Bürgertum seinen Platz in der t zu bewahren. Aber Dankbarkeit gibt kanntlich in der Politik nicht. Oder doch? utschland wenigstens gibt es eine Dankgroßer Teile des Bürgertums für jene häuser, die es in den Krieg, ins Unglück haben. Heute ist der Vertrag unterworden, welcher zwischen dem Hause ollern und dem preußischen Staate gewurde und welcher die vermögensAuseinandersetzung des Kaisers n mit dem Lande Preußen betrifft. Man gen, der Fahnenflüchtige schneidet nicht ab und bekommt von seinen dankbaren n einige Milliönchen. Der Vertrag beh der Genehmigung des Landtages, aber hon heute sicher, daß diese Genehmigung usbleiben wird. Die braven Sozialdemowerden sich der Stimme enthalten. des Kaisers Enkel, des Kronprinzen ist von hinten herum ein bißchen in der ehr gewesen. Noch immer scheint bei den ollern das [?] handwerk als die einzig gemäße Beschäftigung zu gelten. Was n in dieser armseligen Republik, die während Frankreich klug genug war, seine [?] gründlich zu vertreiben, dem Kronund seiner Familie den Aufenthalt in land gestattet hat, jedoch in ihrer ehr eigentlich kein richtiges Betätigungsetet? Das Offizierkorps der Reichswehr großen Teil monarchistisch und darin der Schlüssel zum Verständnis dafür daß der Prinz es nicht verschmäht hat, wehrübungen inkognito teilzunehmen. Ganze scheint übrigens nur eine Episode nzlichen Leben gewesen zu sein, denn es jungen Mann natürlich nicht eingefallen, ie es die Aufnahmsbedingungen für die ehr-Offiziere und Offiziersanwärter be -, auf Jahre hinaus zu binden. en heißt es, daß der Erbprinz Johann on Sachsen-Coburg-Gotha diese Beunterzeichnet habe. Er wird zweifellos un, um die deutsche Republik zu vern. sonderbare Rolle spielt in allen Reichsngen General von Seeckt, der Chef der Heeresleitung. Man kennt Beispiele daß er allen Aktionen gegen die Republik ücken kehrt. Er hal Kapp und Kahr, dorff und Claß die Faust des Republigezeigt. Hingegen ist es sicher, daß die tung der Schwarzen Reichswehr, die ja er Vergangenheit angehören soll, daß die ierung des Reichswehroffizierskorps mit rchistischen Offizieren unter seiner stillenden Duldung geschehen ist. Und nun bekannt, daß seine Konnivenz gegen die hen der Vergangenheit bis zur Mitwisseran dem Manöverausflug des Kronnsohnes gediehen ist. Dies ist selbst dem wehrminister Geßler, der gewiß kein rchistentöter ist, zu viel geworden und er eeckt zur Demission genötigt. Morgen wird ntscheidung über dieses Demissionsgesuch. Es wird Hindenburg vielleicht schwer en, das Gesuch zu genehmigen, denn dieser röße General Seeckt, der so verschiedene ungen und Begabungen in sich zu vern vermochte, wird bei alledem nicht leicht ehen sein. Ganzen bietet Deutschland noch heute das einer mehr von Sentiments als von rner, sachlicher Politik bewegten Nation. n deutet auch die Hartnäckigkeit, mit er Staatsmänner und Volk auf die Niederung des Schuldvorwurfs des Versailler ages immer wieder hinarbeiten. Man hat mal den Eindruck, daß die Korrektur Attrape des Versailler Vertrages den chen wichtiger ist als manche materielle nung und daß sie dafür sogar große zu bringen bereit wären.
Die Abfindung der Hohenzollern.
die Nachgiebigkeit von Seeckts gegenüber der Wehrverpflichtet. Die Abfindung der Hohenzollern. Das neue Kompromiß mit dem preußischen Staat. - Die Hohenzollern erhalten 15 Millionen Mark bar und 250. 000 Morgen Land. Berlin, 6. Oktober. Der sogenannte Abfindungsvertrag zwischen der preußischen Regierung und dem Hause Hohenzollern wird vorbehaltlich der Zustimmung des Landtages unterzeichnet. Nach dem Kompromiß fallen an die Hauptlinie 250. 000 Morgen Land. Die Herrschaft Oels ist dabei eingeschlossen. Ursprünglich waren 330. 000 Morgen vorgeschlagen. Die beiden Nebenlinien, die Karl-Linie und die Albrecht-Linie sollen Kamenz in Schlesien und Flatow Krojanka behalten. Die Barentschädigung soll nicht 30, sondern 15 Millionen betragen. Außerdem soll eine Reihe von Schlössern, wie Babelsberg und Bellevue im Tiergarten an den Staat fallen. Ministerpräsident Braun empfahl in der sozialdemokratischen Fraktion eine schleunige Erledigung. Die Demokraten haben sich für das Kompromiß entschieden. Ueber die Stellung der Sozialdemokraten meldet die Tel. Union, es sei damit zu rechnen, daß keine Schwierigkeiten gemacht werden.