Le Petit Matin
- On the Commercial Property Law
- Chamberlain and Briand Review the International Situation, Above All Franco-German Relations, at the Quai d'Orsay
- THE STEEL CARTEL AND OPINION IN THE UNITED STATES
Le Petit Matin of Tunis opened its 3 October 1926 page with a legal argument close to home. Two days earlier, the Civil Court of Tunis had held that France's law of 30 June 1926 on commercial leases did not apply in the protectorate. The editorial expected the protectorate services to put equivalent rules before the Bey, argued that only French courts should have jurisdiction, and proposed hearing appeals in Tunis rather than before the overloaded Court of Algiers. The international wires reported Austen Chamberlain's stop in Paris to see Aristide Briand after Locarno and Thoiry. Briand dismissed talk of a British-Italian counterweight and called for incidents in the occupied regions to be settled. A further report gathered reserved American reactions to the new European steel cartel from the White House, Herbert Hoover and Judge Gary.
Translation
On the Commercial Property Law
Telegrams: [?] - Tunis SUBSCRIPTIONS: Tunisia - Constantine 3 months................. 17» 6 months................. 32» 1 year................... 62»
On the Commercial Property Law
On 27 September 1926, our newspaper published an article on the application of this law in Tunisia, suggesting a few ideas about the manner of its application, which ought to be modified because of the special situation created in the Regency by the establishment of the Protectorate.
At the time that article appeared, one could still wonder whether the courts of the Regency might not consider this law applicable de plano in Tunisia, with regard to the French and, more generally, with regard to all those under their jurisdiction.
Like certain sound minds versed in this complex question of whether French laws apply automatically in Tunisia, the Civil Court of Tunis, in a judgment delivered on 1 October 1926, ruled that the law of 30 June 1926 was not applicable in Tunisia. Since the law creates new rights, only the legislator can decide on its application.
As such a text could put an end to the moratorium regime so far as commerce and industry are concerned, there can be no doubt that the Protectorate's services, mindful of the country's economic prosperity, will make it their duty to submit for the approval of His Highness the Bey a text containing the same legal principles, governing for the future the "Relations between tenants and landlords concerning the renewal of leases of buildings or premises used for commercial or industrial purposes."
But if in Tunisia we may consider ourselves morally bound to apply the same "substance" of the law, we can and must shape its rules of application to the organization of the country.
Our article of 27 September expressed the view that it would be advantageous to give jurisdiction to the French courts, to the exclusion of the Tunisian courts. As with the legislation on trademarks (decree of 3 June 1889, art. 25) and on literary and artistic property (decree of 15 June 1889, art. 11), there is an interest in unifying the case law. The same question cannot be decided differently depending on whether one goes before the French judge or the native judge. Commerce and industry need to know where they stand with regard to the claims of the owners of premises; with a dual system of courts, as foreign to each other as a French court can be to an Italian one, and liable to take different views, we are heading for the worst disappointments.
But we part company entirely with those who, to avoid going to Algiers to have an appeal decided, think it more expedient to have decisions rendered in the last resort. The second level of jurisdiction has long been a guarantee of sound justice, and we do not believe that in disputes as important as those this law may give rise to, one should rely on the decision of a single judge.
We share their alarm at the inevitable slowness of appeal proceedings. The Court of Algiers, which is particularly overloaded, will see its dockets clogged with new cases. Owners and tenants have an interest in having their status settled as soon as possible; but given the litigious temper of our lands, few cases will escape examination by the Court. And besides, it can be affirmed that economic conditions in Algeria are not the same as in Tunisia, and that so great a distance between the two capitals may excuse the high magistrates of the Court for losing sight somewhat of Tunisian realities.
So what then, you will say to me: how can the right of appeal be kept without submitting cases of this kind to the judgment of the Court of Algiers?
On examining the mechanism of the law of 30 June 1926, I believe it can be done. Here is how:
Failing agreement between the parties, the recent law says, the landlord and the tenant must appear before the President of the Civil Court of the place where the building is situated, who, after an expert appraisal, rules by a reasoned order, against which an appeal may be lodged within a fortnight of its service.
It seems to me that, since it is not a court that judges but one of its members, one could — the Tunisian legislator being sovereign on the question of the mode of application — give jurisdiction to play this role of arbiter to a vice-president in the case of the Tunis court, leave this role to the President of the Sousse court, and have appeals against these orders brought before the First Chamber of the Civil Court of Tunis. Cases would be settled quickly and with the experience our magistrates have of the country's affairs and people.
Rême is well shod
A few exploits
Chamberlain and Briand Review the International Situation, Above All Franco-German Relations, at the Quai d'Orsay
ONS RAPIDES
Chamberlain and Briand review the international situation, above all Franco-German relations, at the Quai d'Orsay
PARIS, 2 October. – The British Foreign Secretary, who has just made a cruise in the Mediterranean and met Mr. Mussolini at Livorno, arrived in Paris this afternoon at 3:35 p.m.
Mr. Briand had gone to the Gare de Lyon to greet Sir Austen Chamberlain as he stepped off the train, accompanied by Mrs. Chamberlain, their son and their secretaries. Mr. Briand was accompanied by Mr. Léger, head of his private office, and by Lord Crewe, the British ambassador in Paris.
Mr. Briand escorted Mr. and Mrs. Chamberlain to their car, and they went on to the Embassy residence.
The head of the Foreign Office will have a meeting with the Minister of Foreign Affairs at the Quai d'Orsay at about 4:30 in the afternoon.
⁂
PARIS, 2 October. – Mr. Chamberlain left the Quai d'Orsay at 6 p.m. after a talk of an hour and a half with Mr. Briand, during which the two ministers took tea.
At the close of the meeting the following communiqué was issued:
"Mr. Briand and Mr. Chamberlain met this afternoon and held a meeting at the Quai d'Orsay in the course of which they noted and defined their community of views and action for the solution of the international problems now before them."
"Mr. Chamberlain, who in Geneva was kept informed of his French colleague's talks with the German Minister of Foreign Affairs, had had to leave the session before the Thoiry meeting and had rested during a cruise of about a fortnight in the Mediterranean."
"Before returning to London and resuming contact with the Foreign Office, he was anxious to stop in Paris to talk with Mr. Briand."
"The two statesmen examined the international situation and in particular Franco-German relations, whose direction was defined by the Locarno Accords and the Thoiry conversations."
"The conversation proceeded in a favorable atmosphere, ensured by the personal relations between the two ministers."
"They noted that their understanding in the service of peace remains closer, more cordial and more trusting than ever."
Statements by Mr. Briand
In the evening Mr. Briand received representatives of the press and told them:
"As the communiqué tells you, a cordial and complete agreement continues to exist between Mr. Chamberlain and me."
"We have confirmed once again that our good understanding has not faltered."
"Some wanted to see in the Chamberlain–Mussolini meeting an attempt to counterbalance the effects of the Franco-German rapprochement; nothing could be further from the truth."
"I knew that Mr. Chamberlain was to meet Mr. Mussolini, just as he knew the purpose of my meeting with Mr. Stresemann."
"My impression is that it was chiefly questions of concern to British policy and Italian policy that were examined, rather than questions of a general nature."
"For my part, I am very glad to meet my two colleagues; conversations of this kind can only serve the work of peace."
"On my side, I intend to resume the conversations that are to lead to the Franco-German rapprochement."
"But we must set about removing certain points of friction that create real unease between the two countries; the regrettable incidents that occurred in the occupied regions must be settled quickly; they were no doubt exaggerated."
"The two governments must take measures to prevent the recurrence of such events."
"The Locarno agreement does not constitute something new: a treaty has value only through the spirit in which it is applied."
"If antagonism persists between the signatories, its application remains uncertain."
"If, on the contrary, there is evident goodwill on both sides, its execution becomes easy."
On the subject of Tangier, Mr. Briand stated: "The situation is unchanged; no conference is planned or to be expected; diplomatic conversations will make it possible to make any necessary adjustments."
"This question will, I am sure, be the subject of a favorable solution."
General de Rivera says that he is a doctor in the science of life
THE STEEL CARTEL AND OPINION IN THE UNITED STATES
10:22: [?] 10 [?] [?] 11:00: 173 10 35 67 12:00: 173 14 35 67
THE STEEL CARTEL AND OPINION IN THE UNITED STATES
WASHINGTON, 2 October. – The signing of the steel agreement has been received with reserve in American circles.
Judge Gary, chairman of the board of the Steel Corporation, declares that he is certain the European industrialists harbor nothing but friendly feelings toward the American steel industrialists.
The general opinion, as reflected in the New York Times editorial, is that the effect on American industry will not be appreciable, since American production exceeds 100 million tons, while the new combination barely reaches 40 million. The American steel market, given the adoption of the elastic tariff that allows the President to change the import duty, that American industry has nothing to fear.
It is acknowledged, however, that the effect of the agreement may be felt in the South American and Far Eastern markets, but no struggle between American steel producers and the members of the new combination is foreseen.
On the other hand, it is fairly generally held that the situation is quite different with regard to England, which will find itself isolated in the face of the continental producers.
Commenting on the European steel agreement, President Coolidge's spokesman declares that the White House sees nothing in this agreement that could threaten the interests of the United States and that, on the contrary, it may help restore Europe's economic prosperity.
⁂
NEW YORK, 2 October. – The negotiations that have just resulted in the conclusion of the steel cartel have been followed with great interest in the United States.
According to a dispatch from Washington received today, Mr. Hoover, Secretary of Commerce, has ordered an inquiry into the situation thus created.
The general opinion nevertheless seems to be that the new combination will not constitute a threat to the American steel industry in the domestic market, but will exert considerable influence on the world market.
While the steel corporation in the United States, expressing, it is believed, the feeling of most of the steel magnates, has voiced its hope of seeing the new trust meet with success, it is believed that its directors will act amicably toward the American industrialists and that the latter [?] by a certain reciprocity.
IN MOROCCO
Cited in Army Orders
Context
Why a Paris lease law became a jurisdiction fight in Tunis
The editorial concerns the French statute of 30 June 1926 governing the renewal of commercial and industrial leases. The paper's headline calls it the law on "propriété commerciale", a term French law still uses for the special rights a commercial tenant enjoys. The paper itself reports the key event. On 1 October 1926 the Civil Court of Tunis held that the law did not apply in Tunisia, because a law creating new rights needed the protectorate's own legislator. In form that legislator was the Bey, approving texts put to him by the protectorate's French services. The writer accepts that Tunisia was "morally" bound to adopt the same substance, but argues about machinery. He wants French courts to have exclusive jurisdiction, citing the 1889 trademark and literary-property decrees as precedents. Otherwise, he says, the same dispute could be decided differently before French and "native" judges. He also wants appeals against the court president's orders heard by the First Chamber in Tunis rather than by the Court of Algiers, which he calls overloaded and remote from Tunisian conditions. The underlying protection has lasted. Present-day French law still requires a landlord who refuses renewal without good reason to pay the tenant an eviction indemnity. In 1926 the editorial could only note that owners and tenants alike wanted their status settled as soon as possible.
What Locarno and Thoiry meant for the Briand–Chamberlain talk
The communiqué quoted in the paper says Franco-German relations had been given their direction by "the Locarno Accords and the Thoiry conversations". Under the main Locarno treaty of 1925, Germany, France, Belgium, Britain and Italy guaranteed the Franco-German and Belgian-German borders. The treaties took effect on condition that Germany enter the League of Nations. The League admitted Germany with a permanent Council seat on 10 September 1926, a few weeks before this meeting. According to the dispatch, Chamberlain had left Geneva before Briand's meeting with Stresemann at Thoiry. He then spent about two weeks cruising the Mediterranean, meeting Mussolini at Livorno on the way. That is why Briand took pains to deny that the Livorno talk was a British-Italian counterweight to the Franco-German rapprochement. His remark about "regrettable incidents" in the "occupied regions" refers to the Allied occupation of the Rhineland, which was still in place. Ending it was among Stresemann's aims, and the last occupying troops left only in 1930, five years before the date set at Versailles. Briand said a treaty is worth only "the spirit in which it is applied". The line echoes the hopes that became known as the "spirit of Locarno".
How big was the 1926 steel cartel, and were the paper's figures right?
The "steel agreement" was the International Steel Entente, founded on 30 September 1926, only days before this issue. It was run by a council of German, French, Belgian and Luxembourg industry representatives. Its weight lay in trade rather than output. Members accounted for only about 35 percent of production among the leading producers, but two-thirds of world steel exports. That explains why the American reaction quoted here was calm about the home market but uneasy about South America and the Far East. The dispatch's production figures should be read with care. It credits the United States with more than 100 million tons. A historical account based on a 1951 study gives American output as 47 million tons in 1926, of which only 2.3 million were exported. On that figure, the dispatch more than doubled American output, and the gap with the new combination's reported 40 million tons was far narrower than it suggested. Closer ties with the Americans did come later: in 1929 the European entente became truly global through an agreement with American, British and Canadian firms.
What the "elastic tariff" gave American steelmakers
The New York Times view reported here rests on the "elastic tariff" that let the President change import duties. This was a provision of the Fordney–McCumber Tariff of 1922, which gave the President power to raise or lower rates when the Tariff Commission recommended it. The same law raised the average ad valorem rate on dutiable imports to about 38.5 percent. With both a high wall and a way to raise it further, American producers had reason to feel safe at home. This helps explain why Coolidge's spokesman could present the cartel as a possible aid to Europe's recovery rather than a threat. American concern was confined to third markets, where the Europeans' strength in exports mattered most. The dispatch expected Britain, not the United States, to be isolated. Britain was a large steel producer, but it stood outside a combination run by German, French, Belgian and Luxembourg industry, and the dispatch pictured it left alone to face the continental producers.
Original
Au sujet de la loi sur la Propriété Commerciale
Télégrammes: [?] - Tunis ABONNEMENTS: Tunisie - Constantine 3 mois................. 17» 6 mois................. 32» 1 an................... 62» Au sujet de la loi sur la Propriété Commerciale A la date du 27 septembre 1926, notre journal a fait paraître un article au sujet de l'application de cette loi en Tunisie, suggérant quelques idées quant à son mode d'application qu'il y aurait lieu de modifier en raison de la situation spéciale faite dans la Régence par suite de l'établissement du Protectorat. Au moment de la publication de cet article, on pouvait encore se demander si les tribunaux de la Régence n'auraient pas estimé cette loi applicable de plano en Tunisie, vis-à-vis des Français et d'une façon générale vis-à-vis de ses justiciables. Ainsi que certains bons esprits versés dans cette question complexe de l'application de plein droit en Tunisie des lois françaises, le Tribunal Civil de Tunis, dans un jugement rendu le premier octobre 1926, a décidé que la loi du 30 juin 1926 n'était pas applicable en Tunisie. Créateur d'un droit nouveau, seul le législateur peut décider de son application. Pouvant mettre fin, en ce qui concerne le commerce et l'industrie, au régime du moratorium, on ne peut douter que les Services du Protectorat, soucieux de la prospérité économique du pays, ne se fassent un devoir de présenter à l'approbation de S. A. le Bey un texte contenant les mêmes principes juridiques réglant pour l'avenir les «Rapports entre locataires et bailleurs en ce qui concerne le renouvellement des baux à loyer d'immeubles ou de locaux à usage commercial ou industriel». Mais si l'on peut se considérer, en Tunisie, moralement tenu d'appliquer le même «fond» de la loi, on peut et on doit modeler ses règles d'application à l'organisation du pays. Notre article du 27 septembre émettait l'avis qu'il y aurait intérêt à donner compétence aux Tribunaux français, à l'exclusion des juridictions tunisiennes. Comme pour la législation sur les marques de fabrique (décret du 3 juin 1889, art. 25); la propriété littéraire et artistique (décret du 15 juin 1889, art. 11), il y a intérêt à unifier la jurisprudence. La même question ne peut être tranchée différemment selon que l'on s'adresse au juge français ou au juge indigène. Le commerce et l'industrie ont intérêt à être fixés sur les prétentions des propriétaires des locaux; avec une dualité de tribunaux, aussi étrangers que peuvent l'être un tribunal français d'un autre italien, et pouvant avoir des points de vue différents, on court aux pires mécomptes. Mais nous nous séparons entièrement de ceux qui, pour éviter d'aller à Alger pour vider un appel, croient plus opportun de faire rendre une décision en dernier ressort. Depuis longtemps, le deuxième degré de juridiction est une garantie de bonne justice, et nous ne croyons pas que dans les litiges aussi importants que ceux que pourront soulever cette loi, il faille se fier à la décision d'un seul juge. Nous partageons ces alarmes quant aux lenteurs inévitables d'une procédure en appel. La Cour d'Alger, particulièrement chargée, va voir ses rôles encombrés de nouveaux procès. Propriétaires et locataires ont intérêt à voir leur statut fixé au plus tôt; mais avec l'esprit processif de nos pays, rares seront les dossiers qui ne devront pas être examinés par la Cour. Et puis, au surplus, on peut affirmer que les conditions économiques en Algérie ne sont pas les mêmes qu'en Tunisie, et qu'une aussi grande distance entre les deux capitales puisse excuser les hauts magistrats de la Cour de perdre un peu de vue les réalités tunisiennes. Alors quoi, me dites-vous, comment conserver le droit d'appel, sans soumettre à l'appréciation de la Cour d'Alger les affaires de ce genre? A examiner le mécanisme de la loi du 30 juin 1926, je crois la chose possible. Voici comment: Faute d'accord entre parties, dit la loi récente, le bailleur et le locataire devront comparaître devant le Président du Tribunal Civil de la situation de l'immeuble, qui, après expertise, statue par ordonnance motivée, dont il peut être fait appel dans la quinzaine de la signification. Il me semble, étant donné que ce n'est pas un tribunal qui juge, mais un de ses membres, que l'on pourrait, le législateur tunisien est souverain sur la question du mode d'application, donner compétence, pour jouer ce rôle d'arbitre, à un vice-président pour le tribunal de Tunis et conserver ce rôle au Président du tribunal de Sousse et faire venir les appels de ces ordonnances devant la première Chambre du Tribunal Civil de Tunis. Les affaires seraient solutionnées rapidement et avec l'expérience que possèdent nos magistrats des choses et des gens du pays. Rême est bien ferré Quelques exploits
MM. Chamberlain et Briand examinent au Quai d’Orsay la situation extérieure et surtout les relations franco-allemandes
ONS RAPIDES MM. Chamberlain et Briand examinent au Quai d'Orsay la situation extérieure et surtout les relations franco-allemandes PARIS, 2 octobre. - Le Ministre Britannique des Affaires Etrangères, qui vient d'effectuer une croisière en Méditerranée, et s'est rencontré à Livourne avec M. Mussolini, est arrivé à Paris cet après-midi à 15 h. 35. M. Briand s'était rendu à la gare de Lyon recevoir à sa descente du train Sir Austen Chamberlain, qu'accompagnaient Mme Chamberlain, leur fils et leurs secrétaires. M. Briand était accompagné de M. Léger, chef de son Cabinet, et de Lord Crewe, ambassadeur d'Angleterre à Paris. M. Briand conduisit jusqu'à leur voiture M. et Mme Chamberlain, qui gagnèrent l'hôtel de l'Ambassade. Le chef du Foreign Office aura vers 16 h. 30, de l'après-midi, au Quai d'Orsay, un entretien avec le Ministre des Affaires Etrangères. ⁂ PARIS, 2 octobre. - M. Chamberlain a quitté le Quai d'Orsay à 18 heures après un entretien d'une heure et demie avec M. Briand, où les deux Ministres prirent le thé. A l'issue de l'entrevue le communiqué suivant fut publié: «MM. Briand et Chamberlain se rencontrèrent cet après-midi et eurent au Quai d'Orsay une entrevue au cours de laquelle ils constatèrent et précisèrent leur communauté de vues et d'action pour la solution des problèmes internationaux actuellement posés.» M. Chamberlain, qui, à Genève, fut mis au courant des entretiens de son collègue français avec le Ministre des Affaires Allemand, avait dû quitter la séance avant l'entrevue de Thoiry et s'était reposé au cours d'une croisière d'une quinzaine de jours en Méditerranée.» Avant de revenir à Londres et de reprendre contact avec le Foreign Office il tint à s'arrêter à Paris pour s'entretenir avec M. Briand.» Les deux hommes d'Etat examinèrent la situation extérieure et en particulier les relations franco-allemandes, dont les Accords de Locarno et les conversations de Thoiry précisèrent l'orientation.» La conversation se poursuivit dans une atmosphère favorable qu'assurent les relations personnelles des deux Ministres.» Ils constatèrent que leur entente au service de la paix reste plus étroite, plus cordiale, plus confiante que jamais». Déclarations de M. Briand M. Briand reçut dans la soirée les représentants de la presse et leur déclara: «Comme vous l'indique le communiqué un accord cordial et entier subsiste entre M. Chamberlain et moi.» Nous avons vérifié une fois de plus que notre bonne entente ne s'était pas démentie.» On voulait voir dans l'entrevue Chamberlain-Mussolini une tentative pour contrebalancer les effets du rapprochement francoallemand; rien n'est plus inexact.» Je savais que M. Chamberlain devait rencontrer M. Mussolini, comme il connaissait l'objet de mon entrevue avec M. Stresemann.» J'ai l'impression que ce sont surtout des questions intéressant la politique anglaise et la politique italienne qui furent examinées plus que les questions d'ordre général.» Je suis, pour ma part, très heureux de rencontrer mes deux collègues; des conversations de ce genre ne peuvent que servir à l'œuvre de paix.» De mon côté je compte reprendre les conversations qui doivent aboutir au rapprochement franco-allemand.» Mais il faut s'attacher à faire disparaître certains points de friction créant un malaise réel entre les deux pays, les incidents regrettables qui se produisirent dans les régions occupées doivent être rapidement réglés; ils furent sans doute grossis.» Les deux Gouvernements doivent prendre des mesures pour empêcher le retour de semblables faits.» L'accord de Locarno ne constitue pas quelque chose de nouveau: un traité n'a de valeur que par l'esprit dans lequel il est appliqué.» Si l'antagonisme persiste entre les signataires l'application reste incertaine.» Au contraire, s'il y a bonne volonté évidente de part et d'autre, l'exécution devient aisée.» Au sujet de Tanger, M. Briand déclare: «La situation est inchangée; aucune conférence n'est prévue ni à prévoir; les conversations diplomatiques permettront d'apporter, s'il y a lieu, les aménagements nécessaires.» Cette question fera, j'en suis sûr, l'objet d'une solution favorable.» Le général de Rivera dit qu'il est un docteur dans la science de la vie
LE CARTEL DE L’ACIER ET L’OPINION AUX ETATS-UNIS
10 h. 22: [?] 10 [?] [?] 11 h. 00: 173 10 35 67 12 h. 00: 173 14 35 67 LE CARTEL DE L'ACIER ET L'OPINION AUX ETATS-UNIS WASHINGTON, 2 octobre. - La signature de l'accord sur l'acier a été accueillie dans les milieux américains d'une façon réservée. Le juge Gary, président du Conseil d'administration de la Steel Corporation déclare qu'il est certain que les industriels européens n'ont que des sentiments amicaux à l'égard des industriels de l'acier américains. L'opinion générale reflétée dans l'éditorial «New-York Times» est que l'effet sur l'industrie américaine ne sera pas sensible, la production américaine dépassant 100 millions de tonnes, alors que la nouvelle combinaison atteint à peine 40 millions. Le marché de l'acier américain étant donné l'adoption de tarif élastique qui permet au Président de changer le droit d'importation, que l'industrie américaine n'a rien à redouter. On reconnaît cependant que l'effet de l'accord pourra se faire sentir sur les marchés sud-américains et de l'Extrême-Orient, mais on n'envisage pas une lutte entre producteurs d'acier américains et les membres de la nouvelle combinaison. Par contre on estime assez généralement que la situation est tout autre à l'égard de l'Angleterre qui va se trouver isolée face à des producteurs continentaux. Commentant l'accord européen sur l'acier, le porte-parole du Président Coolidge déclare qu'à la Maison Blanche on ne voit rien qui puisse dans cet accord menacer les intérêts des Etats-Unis et qu'au contraire il peut aider le rétablissement de prospérité économique de l'Europe. ⁂ NEW-YORK, 2 octobre. - On a suivi avec grand intérêt aux Etats-Unis les négociations qui viennent d'aboutir à la conclusion du cartel de l'acier. Selon une dépêche de Washington reçue aujourd'hui M. Hoover, secrétaire du Commerce a ordonné une enquête sur la situation ainsi créée. L'opinion générale semble être néanmoins que la nouvelle combinaison ne constituera pas une menace pour l'industrie américaine de l'acier sur le marché intérieur mais exercera une influence considérable sur le marché mondial. Pendant que la corporation de l'acier aux Etats-Unis, exprimant, croit-on, le sentiment de la plupart des magnats de l'acier a dit son espoir de voir le nouveau trust rencontrer le succès, on croit que ses administrateurs agiront amicalement envers les industriels américains et que ceux-ci [?] par une certaine réciprocité. AU MAROC A l'ordre de l'Armée